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THE CARTOONS OF ANDREW WAHL

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FIGHTING WORDS BY BEN SMITH

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THE WAR IN IRAQ

A Front-Line Cure for Frivolous Wars
by James Norton

Progressive Agenda
by Joshua Adams

Our Own War, Part II
by Nate Wood

Our Own War, Part I
by Nate Wood

Skeletons in the Closet
by J. Daniel Janzen

Recycle Hillbillies for Victory
by J. Daniel Janzen

Cool Britannia
by Robert Dunsford

In Memoriam: Michael Kelly
by P.J. Tigue

Ethics in Iraq
by P.J. Tigue

Shock and Awe Through Coaching
by Bob Cook

A Win for the Boys
by Luciano D'Orazio

Bloodless
by Clay Risen

Bush's "Fireworks"
by Damion Matthews

Iraq's Hold Music
by James Norton

The Wolfowitz Memo
by J. Daniel Janzen

Spanish Thoughts in Andalucía
by Luciano D'Orazio

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by Michael Frissore

Bo Diddley, In Memoriam
by Matt Hanson

Ten Years Without Phil Hartman
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Myanmar: While the World Waits
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March of the Pundits
by Matt Hanson

The Iron's Still Hot
by Charles Moss

Figuring Out Hunter S. Thompson
by Ian M. Clarke

Barack Obama, Child of the '70s
by Edward McClelland

'Tis a Pity They're All Whores
by Eve Adams

Sensitivity Made Simple
by Aemilia Scott

Heath Ledger, In Memoriam
by Stephen Himes

More opinion ›

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Flak seeks writers to write reviews, essays and interviews for its Opinion section. Special emphasis on short, timely takes on major works.

No pay. Some glory. Lots of editorial back-and-forth, and a nice-looking clip for your files. Check out our guidelines for details or contact editor James Norton.



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TKBloodless
by Clay Risen

There's a military dictum that says generals are always fighting the previous war — because no two conflicts are exactly the same, whatever strategies and skills leaders picked up in the previous fight are immediately outdated. This week, we learned that the same goes for anti-war protesters.

If the movement is to be judged on how much it affected the administration's war planning, then the movement has completely failed. Of course, only the most starry-eyed protester could have expected to stop the war. But when polls show 70 percent of the country supports the war, it's hard to say that the protesters' efforts changed the course of the national debate. Is this because they were wrong? Far from it — millions of people around the world agree with them. And there are many reasons to disagree with the war: the threat it poses to the Atlantic alliance and the UN, the potential for North Korea and Iran to use it as an excuse to proliferate, the risk of being bogged down in northern Iraq. The source of the movement's failure, then, likely lies not in the premise that the war is wrong but, to a large extent, in the specific reasons the movement has chosen to emphasize.

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Reader Email

"You're confusing two widely different oil issues..." More ›
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At any given rally there will be many different slogans and banners: "Bush Is a War Criminal." "Chirac for President." "Iraqis Are People Too." But the one idea most represented is that the war is, ultimately, about oil. Fifty people stood outside the White House on March 20 shouting "No Blood for Oil." Dennis Kucinich, an Ohio representative and Democratic presidential candidate, asks: "Why is the administration targeting Iraq? Oil." The idea that Bush and Co. are going into Iraq to control its oil fields is, on face, compelling: Bush and Cheney are oil men; the first Gulf War was fought largely over access to Kuwaiti oil; oil is our most strategic resource. If anything, the concept is the sine qua non of the movement: the one point that, if not agreed on by everyone, goes practically uncontested.

Unfortunately, it is also completely wrong. There are easier ways to get at Iraq's oil than invading, and the United States can get its oil elsewhere. If anything, the last thing oil companies — and according to the theory, Bush and Cheney by extension — want is volatility in the oil market. And with the exception of the first Gulf War, the United States has never engaged in a resource war — as the world's largest economy, there are easier ways to get what we want. Blood will be shed in Iraq, but not for oil.

So why say it? Quite simply, because "No Blood for Oil" is in line with proven protest strategies and ideas. It worked in the first Gulf War. It is consistent with the anti-globalization movement to which the current protest movement owes so much of its momentum. And it builds on the quasi-Marxist theory that underlies so many of the guiding principles behind the last 100 years of protest culture: that the United States, regardless of who's in the Oval Office and what is the foreign policy crisis at hand, will stop at nothing to expand its control over world resources. If we are not actually imperialists in the classical sense, it is only because we have found a better way. Who needs to own territory when you can, through military might, force the resources of those territories to come to you?

Whether this was ever true is a topic for another column. The point is, though, that it is no longer true. The very world that allows organizers to coordinate hundreds of synchronous protests also makes direct control over resources irrelevant. Thanks to the telecommunications revolution, international markets are infinitely more fluid than they were just 12 years ago. If for some reason we needed more oil, we could simply manipulate spot markets elsewhere, or lean on OPEC to increase its output (and again, thanks to the fluidity of markets, OPEC has much less control over global oil output than it once did).

As a result, "No Blood for Oil" is both necessary to the movement's cohesion and ultimately self-defeating. It brings people together, but it also delegitimizes the movement in the eyes of the larger public. It reeks of the same sort of far-left sermonizing that has long turned off middle-class America, and its simplicity strikes many more as both naïve and deeply cynical. It is neither nuanced nor relevant to the current conflict. While there are many reasons to oppose the war, this isn't one of them. Unfortunately, for many it is the only one that seems to make sense.

Email Clay Risen at risenc@yahoo.com.

ALSO BY …

Also by Clay Risen:
After the Quake
Austerlitz
Blood of Victory
Bobos In Paradise
The Book of Illusions
Censored 2000
Choke
Communazis
Defying Hitler
The Dying Animal
Gig
More by Clay Risen ›

 
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